One think it is wise as a commentator to record of when you have been incorrect, and the aspect one have got most emphatically incorrect over the recent years is the Conservative party's chances. I was persuaded that the party that still won ballots despite the chaos and uncertainty of leaving the EU, along with the calamities of fiscal restraint, could survive anything. One even felt that if it was defeated, as it did recently, the possibility of a Conservative restoration was still extremely likely.
What one failed to predict was the most successful party in the world of democracy, by some measures, coming so close to extinction in such short order. While the party gathering commences in Manchester, with rumours abounding over the weekend about lower attendance, the data more and more indicates that the UK's next general election will be a competition between Labour and Reform. This represents quite the turnaround for Britain's “default ruling party”.
But (one anticipated there was going to be a but) it may well be the reality that the core assessment one reached – that there was consistently going to be a powerful, resilient movement on the conservative side – remains valid. As in various aspects, the contemporary Conservative party has not ended, it has only mutated to its subsequent phase.
So much of the favorable conditions that Reform thrives in today was cultivated by the Tories. The aggressiveness and nationalism that developed in the result of the EU exit established politics-by-separatism and a type of ongoing contempt for the voters who failed to support your side. Long before the head of government, Rishi Sunak, threatened to withdraw from the international agreement – a movement commitment and, now, in a haste to stay relevant, a current leader one – it was the Conservatives who played a role in turn immigration a endlessly problematic issue that required to be handled in increasingly severe and theatrical methods. Remember David Cameron's “tens of thousands” commitment or another ex-leader's notorious “return” vans.
It was under the Tories that rhetoric about the purported collapse of cultural integration became a topic an official would state. Additionally, it was the Conservatives who went out of their way to downplay the existence of systemic bias, who launched culture war after ideological struggle about nonsense such as the selection of the BBC Proms, and adopted the politics of government by controversy and drama. The outcome is Nigel Farage and Reform, whose unseriousness and divisiveness is presently not a novelty, but the norm.
Existed a more extended systemic shift at play here, of course. The transformation of the Conservatives was the result of an economic climate that hindered the party. The key element that produces usual Conservative supporters, that growing sense of having a interest in the current system by means of property ownership, social mobility, increasing savings and holdings, is gone. New generations are not experiencing the same shift as they grow older that their previous generations underwent. Wage growth has stagnated and the largest source of rising wealth now is by means of real estate gains. For new generations shut out of a prospect of any asset to maintain, the key natural draw of the party image declined.
That financial hindrance is part of the reason the Conservatives opted for social conflict. The effort that couldn't be allocated defending the unsustainable path of the UK economy had to be focused on such issues as Brexit, the migration policy and various panics about non-issues such as lefty “activists taking a bulldozer to our history”. This unavoidably had an progressively damaging quality, revealing how the party had become whittled down to a entity significantly less than a means for a coherent, fiscally responsible ideology of governance.
Additionally, it yielded dividends for Nigel Farage, who profited from a political and media ecosystem sustained by the divisive issues of crisis and restriction. He also gains from the decline in standards and standard of leadership. Those in the Conservative party with the desire and nature to advocate its current approach of reckless boastfulness necessarily came across as a cohort of superficial knaves and charlatans. Remember all the inefficient and lightweight attention-seekers who acquired state power: the former PM, the short-lived leader, Kwasi Kwarteng, Rishi Sunak, Suella Braverman and, certainly, the current head. Combine them and the outcome isn't even part of a capable official. Badenoch in particular is less a party leader and more a sort of inflammatory statement generator. The figure hates the academic concept. Progressive attitudes is a “civilisation-ending ideology”. The leader's big policy renewal effort was a tirade about net zero. The latest is a promise to form an immigrant removals force patterned after US Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The leader embodies the heritage of a flight from gravitas, seeking comfort in attack and division.
This is all why
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